At the heart of Senator Ned Nwoko’s tireless campaign for the creation of Anioma State is not just a political proposal, but a historic and moral reckoning. In a country still grappling with how best to reflect federal character, regional equity, and ethnic justice, the Anioma agitation represents more than cartographic surgery—it is a loud cry for integration, identity, and inclusion. That Senator Ned Nwoko has placed himself at the vanguard of this agitation is no accident; it is the inevitable continuation of a legacy rooted in heritage, sacrifice, and statesmanship. It is a historical quest that began by the respected statesman Chief Osadebe of the Blessed memory over six decades back.
One time head of the National Planning Commission of Nigeria Professor Sylvester Monye, who is from Anioma, backs the agitation for Anioma state as Igbo state as follows: “The recent revival of the demand for the creation of Anioma State,
essentially driven by Senator Ned Nwoko, is in keeping with the
aspiration of our people. The demand for the creation of Anioma state
has been long-standing and must rank as one of the oldest agitations
in the political history of Nigeria. Political detractors would want you to believe that Senator Nwoko’s interest in the Anioma State movement is just for his politics. Nothing could be farther from the truth.
The agitation has always been driven by the Anioma people who are of Igbo descent and reside in the northern part of Delta State. The
Anioma people, though located in Delta State, share a distinct Igbo
cultural identity that is remarkably different from the Urhobo and
Itsekiri ethnic groups in the state. This distinctive demand has
enjoyed the support of all well-meaning persons in that enclave. The very term, Anioma, coined by the illustrious Chief (Dr) Dennis
Osadebay as far back as 1951, has remained the unchanging acronym by
which this area has been identified, Professor Monye affirmed.
To understand the gravity of what Senator Nwoko is doing, one must first appreciate that the Anioma people—nine local government areas of Delta State—are Igbo by ethnicity, language, and culture, yet politically detached from their kith and kin in the South-East. This dislocation, birthed by geopolitical arrangement and entrenched by political maneuvering, has left Anioma as an island of Igbo identity marooned in the South-South region. It is this historical and political injustice that Senator Nwoko’s Anioma State bill seeks to correct—by joining Anioma with the Southeast to complete the zone’s state count to six, and thus give Ndigbo a fairer stake in the federation.
For those who question the motive or sincerity of the senator, the facts speak for themselves. Nwoko is not a political novice; he is a seasoned legislator, a lawyer of international repute, and a former member of the House of Representatives. He is also not a desperate man on the hunt for a governorship seat—he has repeatedly stated he will not contest to govern the proposed Anioma State. What then motivates his agitation? The answer lies in his lineage and his legacy. His grandfather, HRH Obi Nwoko 1, was not only a royal father in Idumuje-Ugboko but also a committed founding member of the Igbo Union, the very platform that eventually metamorphosed into Ohanaeze Ndigbo. Senator Nwoko’s campaign is therefore not personal; it is intergenerational. It is a modern fulfilment of a vision first carried by his forebears.
Critics like former Delta State governor Senator Ifeanyi Okowa have failed to grasp—or deliberately ignore—the symbolic and strategic implications of Anioma State joining the Southeast. Okowa’s opposition, thinly veiled under the guise of geopolitical loyalty to the South-South, is neither principled nor patriotic. It is a self-serving attempt to retain control over a people he no longer governs, and whose political aspirations he now seeks to stifle. If Okowa is truly in support of Anioma State, as he claims, why oppose its logical alignment with the Southeast—a region to which Anioma belongs by every historical, linguistic, and ethnic marker?
The truth is that Okowa’s objection is not rooted in federal logic or concern for national cohesion. It is about power. If Anioma becomes the sixth state in the Southeast, the Delta political empire Okowa built will shrink overnight. His influence, once unassailable in Delta North, would be rendered peripheral. In essence, it is not the map he wants to preserve; it is his dominion. And in seeking to preserve that power, he now aligns—whether knowingly or not—with those forces that have historically denied Ndigbo equal representation at the national table. Already a whooping number of 91 Senators have endorsed Anioma state.
But Senator Nwoko has chosen to walk a different path. Against orchestrated blackmail, institutional sabotage, and even outright threats, he continues to push forward the bill for Anioma State. And he does so with the full armour of a statesman. As a sitting senator, Nwoko has shown legislative output that is among the highest in the 10th Senate—sponsoring 31 bills and over 20 motions within just two years. These bills are not symbolic tokens; they address national priorities such as economic sovereignty, digital accountability, social security, defence decentralization, and electoral reform.
Among his most significant proposals are the Diaspora Voting Bill, which seeks to enfranchise millions of Nigerians abroad; the Nigerian Social Security Agency Bill, which offers a structured response to poverty and unemployment; the Central Bank Act Amendment, which prohibits local transactions in foreign currency to preserve the naira; and the Nigerian Defence Academy Bill, which proposes a new NDA campus in Kwale to promote regional inclusion in military training. These are not the acts of a man seeking a provincial kingdom. These are the pursuits of a man driven by a national conscience.
Even at the constituency level, Senator Nwoko has delivered 51 tangible projects across Delta North in less than two years. These include solar-powered boreholes, health outreach programmes, youth skills training, agricultural empowerment initiatives, and critical infrastructure like roads and electrification. He is not agitating for Anioma State with empty rhetoric; he is investing in the lives of Anioma citizens daily.
Those who fear that the creation of Anioma State will fracture Delta or destabilize the South-South are either politically naive or wilfully disingenuous. The Nigerian Constitution is clear: state creation is a legal, not sentimental, process. And if Anioma satisfies all the conditions—which it does—then it is entitled to a seat of its own. What greater symbol of federal inclusion and national healing can there be than the creation of a new state that corrects a longstanding historical injustice?
This is why Ndigbo across Nigeria must rally behind Senator Ned Nwoko. The creation of Anioma State is not just for Anioma; it is for the collective dignity of the Igbo people. It ensures that Ndigbo are no longer underrepresented at the federal level. It guarantees that one more state—rooted in Igbo heritage—can advocate for eastern development, push for equitable resource distribution, and participate fully in shaping national policy.
The South-East geopolitical zone currently has only five states, while other zones have six and even seven. This disparity has cost the Southeast in terms of ministerial allocations, federal legislative seats, and political visibility. Creating Anioma State corrects this imbalance and brings the Southeast closer to parity with the rest of Nigeria. It is not a favour; it is a right.
It is unfortunate that at such a pivotal moment, some political actors from Delta North choose to antagonize rather than harmonize. The recent disavowal by the Forum of Delta North Local Government Chairmen, distancing themselves from an endorsement document, was disappointing and politically shortsighted. Senator Nwoko’s team has provided documentation showing that officials duly authorized the endorsements. That some now disown the signatures reflects not procedural failure, but political pressure—likely orchestrated by anti-reform forces within the PDP power structure.
Despite these challenges, the Anioma State campaign is gaining momentum. The recent public hearing, held in Ikot-Ekpene Akwa Ibom state, marks another critical step forward. The pushback is real—but so too is the resolve of Senator Nwoko and the communities that support him. The monarchs of Anioma land must now step forward to mediate among political actors, unify divergent views, and ensure that this historic opportunity is not squandered by division or delay. It is not in the place of a single traditional ruler of Anioma to give what he may consider as final decision on this collective efforts. This writer is fascinated by the logical argument by Prince Okonjo in the following summarised lines:
1. The Asagba of Asaba cannot dictate for Anioma
While the Asagba of Asaba, His Royal Majesty Obi (Prof.) Epiphany Azinge, SAN, is respected; it is an error to suggest that his opinion is “customarily binding” on all Anioma communities. Anioma is a collection of sovereign kingdoms, each with its own monarch and council of chiefs. Ogwashi-Uku, Onicha-Ugbo, Obior, Issele-Uku, Igbodo, Ubulu-Uku, and others are not vassal states of Asaba. The suggestion that a single monarch can bind the entire region by fiat runs contrary to our customs and democratic norms.
2. Anioma’s Historical Roots Are Igbo – Including Ogwashi-Uku
It is true that Anioma culture is enriched by contact with Benin, Igala, and other neighbours. But our linguistic, ancestral, and spiritual foundations are firmly Igbo. Ogwashi-Uku Kingdom, for example, traces its roots directly to the ancient Nri Kingdom in present-day Anambra State. Our naming customs, spiritual systems, title structures, and linguistic patterns overwhelmingly align with the broader Igbo civilisation.
3. My Father, HRM Obi Prof. Chukwuka Okonjo, Fought for Biafra
Let me be clear: I write as the son of His Royal Majesty Professor Chukwuka Okonjo, the late Obi of Ogwashi-Uku, who was not only a renowned academic but also a Brigadier in the Biafran Organisation of Freedom Fighters (BOFF)—a key arm of the Biafran military command. He fought with honour and conviction for the Igbo cause during the civil war. To suggest now, decades later, that Anioma people were never part of the Igbo nation, or that they were culturally alien to Biafra, is to disregard the sacrifices of men like my father and many others who stood firm for justice, self-determination, and ethnic identity.
Specifically, Public hearings were held in 6 zones. South south was in akwa ibom. South east was in Enugu just as the dominant presentation on Anioma state made the persuasive and logical presentations for its creation as an Igbo state.
The task before Ndigbo is clear. To secure justice, they must support Anioma State. To guarantee equity, they must amplify the voice of Senator Nwoko. And to uphold unity, they must remember that Anioma is not a fringe. It is Igbo. It is core. It is kin.
Senator Ned Nwoko may have started this agitation as a lone voice in the Senate chamber, but history shows that the path to justice often begins with the courage of one. What he proposes is not rebellion—it is restoration. What he envisions is not chaos—it is cohesion. And what he is building is not a political machine—it is a historical correction that generations to come will thank him for.
The Anioma agitation is not merely a bill. It is a revolution, one rooted in dignity, memory, and the dream of a more united and representative Nigeria. Those who resist it today may win temporary battles of influence. But the war of ideas—of justice, equity, and federal fairness—is already being won.
And Senator Ned Nwoko, against all odds, is on the right side of history.
Emmanuel Nnadozie Onwubiko is the founder of the HUMAN RIGHTS WRITERS ASSOCIATION OF NIGERIA (HURIWA).
